Hungarian Prime Minister-elect Peter Magyar is travelling to Brussels for a meeting with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. At stake are billions of euros in frozen EU funds, which Hungary can recover only if it swiftly implements reforms concerning the rule of law, the fight against corruption and judicial independence. For Budapest, this is one of the most urgent issues following the electoral victory of the Tisza party, which ended Viktor Orbán’s 16 years in power.
Magyar’s visit carries strong symbolic significance. It recalls the situation in October 2023, when Donald Tusk — before formally taking office as prime minister — met Ursula von der Leyen in Brussels, declaring his intention to rebuild relations with the European Union and secure the release of funds from Poland’s National Recovery Plan. That visit was seen as a political signal that Poland was returning to the European mainstream. Now Hungary has a similar opportunity.
The most urgent issue concerns money from the EU’s post-pandemic recovery fund. Around €10 billion remains frozen because of the European Commission’s concerns over the state of the rule of law in Hungary. For years, Brussels has pointed to problems related to corruption, judicial independence, the transparency of public procurement, media freedom and democratic standards. According to expert assessments, time is extremely short: the government in Budapest must meet the required conditions by the end of August, otherwise part of the money may be lost permanently.
For Magyar, the meeting with von der Leyen is therefore the first serious political test even before he fully takes power. On the one hand, his victory has raised hopes in Brussels of a breakthrough after years of conflict with Orbán’s government. On the other hand, the European Commission cannot afford a purely political gesture without real reforms. Releasing the money will require concrete legislative and institutional changes, not just declarations from the new leader.
Magyar, however, has an argument that no Hungarian opposition politician has had for many years: a very strong electoral mandate. According to Reuters reports, his centre-right Tisza party won a constitutional majority, which could allow for rapid legal changes, including reforms concerning the judiciary, the media, anti-corruption safeguards and oversight of public spending.
For Hungary, this is not only about prestige, but also about the economy. Frozen EU funds have for years been one of the main sources of tension between Budapest and Brussels. Their absence has weakened investment, worsened the state of public finances and increased pressure on the forint. Magyar’s victory itself was welcomed positively by the markets, as investors began to assume a possible normalisation of relations with the EU and the return of European money to the Hungarian economy.
Brussels also has an interest in making this operation succeed. Orbán’s departure opens the possibility of rebuilding cooperation with a country that for years blocked or complicated some EU decisions, especially on Ukraine, Russia and the rule of law. If Magyar truly carries out the reforms he has promised, the European Union will be able to show that the conditionality mechanism works: funds are frozen when rules are violated, but they can be released when a state returns to democratic standards.
The comparison with Donald Tusk is particularly important here. In Poland, the change of government after 2023 was treated in Brussels as an opportunity to rebuild trust, but the process of unlocking funds was not automatic. The same will be true for Hungary. The mere fact that Orbán lost the election will not be enough. Magyar will have to prove that his government is not only declaring a turn toward Europe, but is also ready to dismantle the institutional system built by the previous team over more than a decade.
The visit to Brussels may therefore mark the beginning of a new chapter in Hungary’s relations with the European Union. If Magyar reaches an agreement with the Commission, he will gain not only access to billions of euros, but also a powerful political symbol: he will show Hungarians that a change of government brings tangible results. If the talks stall, however, the new prime minister will quickly run up against the constraints left behind by Orbán’s system.
For Central Europe, this event has significance beyond Budapest itself. After Poland, Hungary may also try to return to the centre of EU politics. And if Magyar manages to combine domestic reforms with the release of EU funds, it will be one of the most important political turning points in the region in recent years.
