The government of Viktor Orbán reportedly distributed at least 500 billion forints, equivalent to approximately €1.36 billion, from Hungary’s state budget in the months leading up to the country’s April parliamentary election.

According to documents obtained by the Hungarian news portal 24.hu, the money was allocated through a series of decisions that were not publicly announced. The recipients included private companies, foundations, associations, cultural organisations and Catholic dioceses. Public funds were also assigned to sporting events, infrastructure programmes and property purchases.

The alleged transfers took place before the election won by Péter Magyar’s opposition TISZA party. The revelations are therefore likely to increase pressure on Orbán and senior members of his former administration to explain how and why such substantial amounts of public money were distributed shortly before voters went to the polls.

Decisions reportedly kept out of the official gazette

The documents analysed by 24.hu cover 55 separate government decisions. Their combined value amounts to at least 500 billion forints, although the final total could be higher.

Miklós Ligeti, legal director of Transparency International Hungary, told the portal that the way in which the funds were allocated appeared to violate Hungarian law on formal grounds.

Hungarian legislation requires decisions concerning budget transfers and the allocation of public funds to be published in the country’s official gazette. According to Ligeti, such decisions cannot legally be implemented through unpublished government resolutions.

The controversy therefore concerns not only the scale of the expenditure and the selection of its beneficiaries, but also the apparent lack of transparency surrounding the entire process.

It has not been alleged that all the recipients used the money improperly. The main question is whether the government had the legal authority to distribute the funds through decisions that were not made public and whether the allocations were politically motivated.

Companies received millions of euros

Sixteen companies reportedly received a combined 47 billion forints, or more than €127 million. Individual allocations ranged from 190 million forints, approximately €516,000, to as much as 14 billion forints, equivalent to more than €38 million.

The documents do not yet provide a complete picture of the criteria used to select the companies. This is likely to become one of the central issues in any parliamentary, administrative or criminal investigation into the spending.

The Orbán government has frequently been criticised by opposition parties and international organisations over the distribution of public contracts and subsidies. Critics have accused the authorities of creating a system in which businesses, foundations and institutions with connections to the governing Fidesz party enjoy privileged access to state resources.

Foundation linked to former foreign minister received €16.8 million

One of the largest individual recipients was the Central European Foundation for the Preservation of Built Heritage. It received 6.2 billion forints, or more than €16.8 million.

Hungarian media have linked the foundation to former foreign minister Péter Szijjártó. Companies established by the organisation have purchased properties in neighbouring Central European countries, including damaged historic buildings. Some of these properties were reportedly intended to be converted into hotels.

The foundation’s activities have attracted attention because they combine heritage protection, commercial property development and Hungary’s broader policy of supporting cultural and political initiatives beyond its borders.

The latest revelations are expected to renew questions about the foundation’s relationship with senior government figures and the public interest served by the allocation.

Money for castles and a new Danube bridge

The unpublished decisions also reportedly included 706 million forints, around €1.9 million, for a state-owned company responsible for managing castles belonging to the Hungarian state.

A much larger sum—76 billion forints, or almost €207 million—was allocated for the construction of a bridge across the Danube near Mohács in southern Hungary.

Other beneficiaries included dioceses, cultural institutions, sports programmes and organisations involved in property acquisitions. Details of all 55 decisions have not yet been fully disclosed.

Some of the funded projects may have had legitimate public purposes. However, Transparency International Hungary argues that even justified expenditure must follow the legally required procedures, including publication and public scrutiny.

Orbán may face demands for a detailed account

The timing of the allocations is politically sensitive. Spending such a large amount shortly before an election raises questions about whether the outgoing government was attempting to secure funding for favoured institutions and projects before a possible change of power.

The new political leadership may now seek a comprehensive audit of the decisions, including the legal basis for each transfer, the identity of the ultimate beneficiaries and the extent to which the money has already been spent.

Orbán and members of his administration are likely to face calls to disclose the unpublished decisions and explain why they were not included in the official gazette.

The case could also affect Hungary’s relations with the European Union. Brussels has repeatedly raised concerns about transparency, public procurement, corruption risks and the rule of law in Hungary. Allegations that €1.36 billion was distributed outside the legally required publication process could provide further evidence for those questioning the effectiveness of safeguards protecting Hungarian public finances.

For the moment, the findings remain based on documents obtained and analysed by 24.hu. Determining whether individual officials committed legal offences will require a formal investigation. Nevertheless, the scale, timing and secrecy of the allocations make the affair one of the first major tests for Hungary’s post-Orbán political order.