Péter Magyar’s victory and that of his TISZA party in Hungary’s parliamentary elections on April 12, 2026, opened a new chapter in Budapest’s politics. Just one day after the vote, the leader of the winning camp began outlining his first concrete plans: a swift transfer of power, the restoration of democratic standards, a crackdown on corruption, and the rebuilding of relations with the European Union. The scale of the victory is considerable — TISZA won 138 out of 199 seats, giving it a constitutional majority.
The most symbolic declaration concerned the pace of the political transition. Magyar called on Hungary’s president to convene parliament as soon as possible and announced that he would like to assume the office of prime minister as early as May 5, 2026. He argued that voters had not endorsed a routine change of government, but rather a profound transformation of the model of governance after 16 years of the Orbán era.
In domestic politics, the new authorities are primarily promising to rebuild the rule of law. Magyar declared that he would restore institutional independence, strengthen checks on executive power, combat corruption, and introduce reforms aimed at increasing judicial independence and political pluralism. Reuters also reported that TISZA wants to amend the constitution in order to limit the office of prime minister to two terms.
The new governing camp is also signaling a clear programmatic shift in social policy and public administration. Magyar announced the creation of new ministries responsible for public health, education, and environmental protection, arguing that these areas had been especially neglected in recent years. At the same time, one of his main goals is to unlock frozen EU funds, something that markets have interpreted as a sign of easing tensions between Budapest and Brussels.
In European policy, Magyar is pursuing a more constructive course than his predecessor. He has emphasized that Hungary has chosen a path closer to Europe and has pledged cooperation with EU partners rather than the obstruction of joint decisions. According to AP, the new prime minister also has a longer-term objective: preparing the country to adopt the euro by 2030. This signals that the new government wants to rebuild not only political trust, but also economic confidence in Hungary.
At the same time, Magyar’s first statements suggest that his foreign policy will not simply be a complete reversal of all of Budapest’s previous positions. The new leader does not support Ukraine’s fast-track accession to the European Union and believes that relations with Kyiv must take into account the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia. On the other hand, he has indicated a willingness to cooperate with the EU in a less confrontational way on aid to Ukraine than Orbán did. He also declared that if Vladimir Putin called him, he would take the call and urge him to end the war.
The regional dimension is also important. Donald Tusk announced that a visit by Magyar to Warsaw is being planned, which would underline the intention to rebuild relations with Poland within a new, more pro-European framework. This could become one of the first signs that post-election Budapest will try to regain its position as a predictable partner both within the European Union and NATO.
Péter Magyar’s first post-election announcements therefore form a coherent picture: a rapid assumption of power, the dismantling of the most criticized elements of Orbán’s system, a thaw in relations with Brussels, and a cautious, more pragmatic course in eastern policy. For Hungary, this may mean not merely a change of government, but a genuine attempt to rebuild the entire model of the state. For now, however, the most difficult task still lies ahead for the new prime minister: turning post-election promises into real decisions.
